The two countries have been at odds over the recognition of war crimes committed by the Japanese army in the past, and what the Chinese perceive as Japanese efforts to play down and conceal its wartime past.

"I think history is a real issue, it's a real concern for the leadership of both countries," said Eric Higenbotham, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington at an event Tuesday.

In April, protesters rampaged through the streets of China, demonstrating against Tokyo's approval of contentious history textbooks that they say gloss over the history of Japan's war record. Protesters attacked Japanese buildings and burned Japanese paraphernalia in response.

Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, a monument dedicated to the 2.5 million Japanese war casualties, which includes several who fought in World War II, has enraged the Chinese. Tokyo's High court refused to grant compensation to 10 survivors of Japanese germ warfare experiments, engendering yet another round of protests from Beijing.

But historical concerns come on the heels of what experts say are Japan's efforts to play an increasing security role in the region. Late last year, Japan revised its policy to ease some of its self-inflicted post-war restrictions on military activity, including the removal of an arms export ban.

It also signed a defense pact with the United States to increase cooperation on ballistic missile defense systems, after labeling China a future threat.

There has also been much support for constitutional reform in Japan where a revision or removal of Article 9 - a post-war measure that renounces the use of force in conflicts - has been gaining steam.

"Even though it can be difficult for us to perceive ... from their (the Chinese) perspective Japan is beginning to play a more assertive diplomatic, military and political role in the region, while at the same time perceived historical backsliding raises questions about the political direction of Japan," said Higenbotham.

Much of the friction between the two countries is caused by a balance of power issue in Asia. For years Japan has been the second-largest economy in the world, after the United States.

Recent economic expansion has seen a burgeoning economy in China slowly starting to breathe down the neck of a slower-growing Japan, and this has meant, among other things, an increase in the concern over several areas of dispute, which the historical standoff has only accelerated.

As a result, relations between China and Japan are at an all-time low. Despite an increase in economic relations - China is now Japan's biggest trade partner - there have been no official visits between the two countries in more than three years.

Disputes over territory and energy competition also plague the relationship. China and Japan have been fighting over a gas pipeline from Siberian oilfields due to increased demand, a contract Japan won.

Both sides dispute their boundaries within the East China Sea, and claim ownership of a small cluster of islands in a disputed zone.

Japan's U.S.-supported bid for a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council has been opposed in China. Some view this as yet another measure Japan has taken to increase its security role in the region. Washington's backing of an amendment to Article 9 has some thinking the United States will use Tokyo as a strategic point in Asia.

Japan, under Koizumi, has aligned itself strongly with the United States. This may have emboldened Japan to be outspoken in its criticism of China. The country's decision to send troops to Iraq and its joint statement with Washington that China-Taiwan relations were a matter of mutual concern has prompted criticism in China.

It is unclear what Washington's role in the resolution of a historical dispute will be. So far many Japanese say the U.S. position over the tensions has been passive and Washington has advocated a fix-it-yourself policy. David Kang, an associate professor in government at Dartmouth College, says the issue will ultimately have to be decided by the leaders of the countries.

"Ultimately, a change in historic perceptions depends on the leadership," he said. "There has to be an overall change in the way academics, politicians, and people on the street view it."

Higenbotham also says the leadership must take a strong role in changing the perceptions and the anger. He says there must be a will to end the debates over history, and education must be changed to prevent youth from being misinformed.

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