"We urge them to honor Benazir Bhutto's memory by continuing with the democratic process for which she so bravely gave her life," said President Bush hours after Bhutto's death Thursday.

U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice also echoed similar feelings when she urged Pakistanis to "maintain calm and to work together to build a more moderate, peaceful, and democratic future."

Further explaining the U.S. position, State Department deputy spokesman Tom Casey indicated Washington does not want Islamabad to postpone the national elections scheduled for Jan. 8.

"I do think that it would be a victory for no one but the extremists responsible for this attack to have some kind of postponement or a delay directly related to it in the democratic process," he said.

The statement caused an immediate reaction in Pakistan, where Bhutto's party as well as other major opposition groups urged the government to postpone the election. Some political commentators, while appearing on Pakistani television channels, noted that the Bush administration seems to have developed a knack for doing the right thing at the wrong time.

But by Friday afternoon it was obvious that while the United States would like the elections to be held as soon as possible, it does not necessarily want them to be held Jan. 9.

They were emphasizing this point only to send a message to the rulers in Islamabad that democracy is the only option they had. And no other option will be acceptable to Washington.

In an exclusive briefing for Pakistani journalists, Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher said both Bush, who spoke to Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf on Thursday, and Rice, who telephoned Bhutto's husband, Asif Ali Zardari, emphasized this point in their conversation with Pakistani leaders.

"Our basic hope is that all those who want democracy will continue to work for that," said Boucher, who is the State Department's point man for South Asia. "We absolutely want to see the process of transition to democracy to go forward."

After signing the condolence book at the Pakistani Embassy in Washington, Rice said she has consulted Pakistani leaders on whether the elections should be held on Jan. 8, as scheduled, or later. "But, obviously, it's just very important that the democratic process go forward," she added.

Diplomatic sources in Washington say that this continuous stress on democracy reflects the Bush administration's fear that if the violence that followed Bhutto's killing continues, Musharraf may re-impose emergency rule in Pakistan as he did on Nov. 3 when he felt the country's Supreme Court might remove him.

"Certainly, we wouldn't want to see a re-imposition of emergency law," said Casey, though he also emphasized that so far there has been no indication from Islamabad that it's considering this move.

The U.S. administration believes that another emergency, which gives the government the same power it enjoys under martial law, will plunge Pakistan into a crisis from which it may not recover.

Observers say that while the United Sates trusts the Pakistani military as a disciplined and capable force, it feels that the military alone cannot resolve Pakistan's current political crisis, nor can it defeat the al-Qaida and Taliban extremists on its own.

Since Sept. 11, 2001, Washington has depended almost entirely on the Pakistani military for fighting terrorists inside Pakistan and for preventing cross-border movements into neighboring Afghanistan.

While the Pakistani army did conduct several successful operations and arrested dozens of prominent al-Qaida suspects, it failed to eliminate the threat that the terrorists pose to both Pakistan, a nuclear-armed nation of 160 million, and Afghanistan.

This led to a realization in Washington that it needs a combination of military muscle and political influence to defeat the terrorists. This led U.S. policymakers to Bhutto's doors, although until early 2007 they had ignored all her efforts to solicit America's backing.

Washington not only played an active role in arranging a rapprochement between her and Musharraf, it also stayed engaged with her after she returned to Pakistan in late September.

On more than one occasion the Bush administration used its influence to persuade Islamabad to give Bhutto the freedom and security she needed to run her election campaign in Pakistan.

In doing so, Washington had hoped that once elected, Bhutto could make a working arrangement with Musharraf, creating a combination of military muscle and political clout to combat terrorism.

If it is proved that Bhutto's assassination was carried out by al-Qaida, it would show that the terrorist network was also aware of this possibility and moved quickly to beat Washington in this game.

Now the United States will have to look for a new political ally in Pakistan and, perhaps, for a new general as well, because Bhutto's murder also has weakened Musharraf.

And the U.S. emphasis on democracy and elections in Pakistan shows that despite Bhutto's slaying, Washington is not willing to abandon the political option.

"What's important is that there is a certainty on the part of not only Pakistan's political leadership but the Pakistani people, that there will be a date certain on which they will be choosing their new government and leadership," said Casey.

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